By Brigitte L. Nacos
In the spring of 2016, when Donald Trump led the field of Republican presidential contenders, he told the journalists Bob Woodward and Robert Costa, “Real Power is—I don’t even want to use the word—fear.
Lately, I have thought of that quote a lot.
When I saw the horrific images of masked and hooded guys grabbing a Tuft University foreign student, handcuffing and forcing her into an unmarked car. Or when the news reports that the Department of Justice and the President of the United States ignore District Court and Supreme Court rulings to bring back to the U.S. a Latino man who was deported by the Department of Homeland Security to a high security prison in El Salvador because of an “administrative mistake.” In both cases and a rapidly increasing number of other instances, the constitutional due process rights of people were violated. Their “crime” in the eyes of Trump’s MAGA regime are protests in the form of written or spoken words—both guaranteed rights in the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.
Stoking fear is the point. What else could we make of the Secretary of Homeland Security standing in front of the El Salvador prison warning undocumented immigrants to leave the U.S. voluntarily or otherwise end up in a hell hole like this.
Trump and his sidekick Elon Musk also use the fear factor to decimate the federal civil service, disable literally all departments of the executive branch, and threaten members of the GOP majority in both congressional chambers with primary challenges to kill even the slightest opposition to presidential directions.
So, Trump uses power ruthlessly to cause fear and then exploits fear to gain what he calls “real power.” One could also call it dictatorial power.
Within the first 100 days of Trump’s second presidency, there have been many strongman orders and many who accepted them. In certain cases, such as in Germany under Hitler, police and paramilitary squads used deadly violence to silence any dissent. But that is not the case here. Not now. Thus, there are still choices to be made.
I think of the big law firms that represented prominent Democrats as clients and therefore were threatened by an executive order issued by Trump which would have banned attorneys of these legal giants from entering federal buildings, including court houses—a certain road to bankruptcy. Several settled with Trump promising each $100 Mill. in pro bono work for uncontroversial causes both sides agreed on. Columbia University, threatened with losing some $400 million in federal research grants, agreed to several administration demands that curtailed academic freedom at the private university. But there was no final settlement.
However, when Harvard University was threatened by the Trump administration with far more draconian oversight of all important aspects of academic life, the oldest American university refused to accept and thereby risked $2 billion in federal grants and contracts. As Harvard President Alan Garber wrote, “No government — regardless of which party is in power — should dictate what private universities can teach, whom they can admit and hire, and which areas of study and inquiry they can pursue. Doing otherwise would threaten the values of any private university “devoted to the pursuit, production and dissemination of knowledge.”
Harvard’s example and that of several law firms who went to court challenging Trump’s executive order and winning their first legal rounds are profiles in courage compared to the otherwise widely complicit behavior of all kinds of influential leaders in the corporate world and elsewhere.
But Harvard’s resistance might encourage others. Columbia University’s acting President Claire Shipman, wrote in a campus email that she “read with great interest the message from Harvard refusing the federal government’s demands.” And she promised, “We would reject any agreement in which the government dictates what we teach, research, or who we hire. And yes, to put minds at ease, though we seek to continue constructive dialog with the government, we would reject any agreement that would require us to relinquish our independence and autonomy as an educational institution.”
For strong and influential institutions and leaders outside of government there are two very different ways to deal with strongmen dictates: one driven by fear and self-interest; the other by courage and risk-taking.
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