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lord rev dyjuan d barnes YAHWEH

we need to stop this war now for us to find peace then we must be peace keepers and not the attempted peace makers for which we are failing . how dare we say that north korea and iran cannot have nuclear bombs but yet we have them ourselves we must realize that you must give and it shall be given and do onto others as you would have them to do to you but we dont so we can be sure that our sins do find us out!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! all praise to YAHWEH........ YAHWEH please save america for we are the dumbest smart people on the planet and we need your wisdom knowledge and understanding to make it to the promise land.

Eric Chen

The case for war in Iraq was really established by 1998 with Operation Desert Fox, which was a declaration of war policy-wise, but without a full ground invasion. While entry into OIF has been portrayed as a neocon conspiracy, in reality, the Bush Administration's case for war is, for the most part, derived from what they inherited from the Clinton Administration. The 12 years of the US in Iraq preceding OIF had a lot more to do with shaping public opinion leading into OIF than anything said by retired military officers in the cacophony of the 24 hour news cycle in the short months before OIF started.

The career military pundits weren't altogether wrong, either. If anything, the conventional major combat phase - insofar as defeat of the Iraqi military and regime change - far exceeded expectations. Obviously, the post-war period has been more difficult, due to the utter failure of international assistance because of the international community's poor tolerance to the deterrence methods favored by terrorists, the collapse of an Iraqi government infrastructure post-Saddam that was in even worse shape than predicted, and the steep learning curve for a US Military pathologically averse to counterinsurgency and "operations other than war" now finding itself thrust into the role of reluctant nation-builder and counterinsurgent. (Contradicting the image of the military in lock-step, many high up in the military vehemently oppose - and opposed - OIF on the grounds they are against peace operations becoming a primary US military mission.)

Of course, it didn't take a retired General to predict what would happen. Anyone who knew American history beginning with the Vietnam War, watched the US in 1991 shy away from regime change in Iraq at a time the US military fielded much more manpower, then the retreat from Somalia, then the casualty averse strategy in the Balkans, then the utter abandonment of Rwanda, could predict that, facing an enemy who shaped his tactics and strategies precisely upon obvious lessons of Western weakness, the US and our Iraqi allies would be forced upon a bloody, steep learning curve in Phase IV.

It has been a bloody, steep learning curve about peace-building, but have we learned? In 2008, as far as Generals are concerned, I'm more interested in what David Petraeus and his fellows have learned through hard-won experience about peace operations as they continue to lead a US Military responsible for, and fully engaged in, shaping our children's future.

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